quinta-feira, 12 de agosto de 2010

Os processos de globalização - Boaventura Sousa Santos

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• [1] Walton (1985) refere três formas sucessivas de "divisões internacionais do trabalho", caracterizando-se a última e actual pela globalização da produção levada a cabo pelas multinacionais. Uma revisão das diferentes abordagens às "novas divisões internacionais do trabalho", pode ser vista em Jenkins (1984). Ver igualmente Gordon (1988).

• [2] No mesmo sentido, cfr. Wade (1990, 1996) e Whitley (1992).

• [3] Segundo o mesmo relatório, 46% da população mundial a viver em pobreza absoluta vive na África subsahariana, 40% no Sul da Ásia e 15% no Extremo Oriente, Pacífico e América Latina. De qualquer modo, a proporção de pessoas a viver em pobreza absoluta diminuiu entre 1993 e 1998 de 29% para 24% (PNUD, 2001: 22). Ver também Kennedy (1993: 193-228) e Chossudovsky (1997). De acordo com Maizels (1992) as exportações de bens primários do Terceiro Mundo aumentaram quase 100% durante o período 1980-88. Mas as receitas obtidas em 1988 foram 30% inferiores às obtidas em 1980. Ver também Singh (1993).

• [4] Em 1995, a malária afectava, por cada 100 habitantes, 16 pessoas no Quénia, 21 na Nova Guiné Papua, 33 na Zâmbia (PNUD, 1999).

• [5] Ver Stallings (1992b). Da perspectiva das relações internacionais, ver Durand, Lévy, Retaillé (1993).

• [6] Cfr. Featherstone (1990); Appadurai (1990); Berman (1983); W. Meyer (1987); Giddens (1990, 1991); Bauman (1992). Ver também Wuthnow (1985, 1987); Bergesen (1980).

• [7] Ver também Featherstone (1990: 10); Wallerstein (1991a: 184); Chase-Dunn (1991: 103). Para Wallerstein o contraste entre o sistema-mundial moderno e os impérios mundiais anteriores reside no facto de o primeiro combinar uma única divisão do trabalho com um sistema de Estados independentes e de sistemas culturais múltiplos (Wallerstein, 1979: 5).

• [8] Sobre esta questão, ver Stallings (1995) em que são analisadas as respostas regionais da América Latina, do Sudeste Asiático e da África sub-sahariana às pressões globais. Ver também Boyer (1998) e Drache (1999)

• [9] Entre muitos outros, ver Boyer (1996, 1998); Drache (1999).

• [10] Sobre os conceitos de turbulência de escalas e de explosão de escalas, ver Santos (1996).

• [11] Cfr. também McMichael (1996: 169). A dialéctica da inclusão e da exclusão é particularmente visível no mercado global da comunicação e da informação. Com excepção da África do Sul, o continente africano é, para este mercado, um continente inexistente.

• [12] O globalismo localizado pode ocorrer sob a forma do que Fortuna chama "globalização passiva", a situação em que "algumas cidades se vêem incorporadas de modo passivo nos meandros da globalização e são incapazes de fazer reconhecer aqueles recursos [globalizantes próprios] no plano transnacional" (1997: 16).

• [13] A ideia do cosmopolitismo como universalismo, cidadania do mundo, negação das fronteiras políticas e territoriais, tem uma longa tradição na cultura ocidental, da lei cósmica de Pitágoras e a philallelia de Demócrito ao "Homo suum, humani nihil a me alienum puto" de Terêncio, da res publica christiana medieval aos humanistas da Renascença, da ideia de Voltaire para quem "para ser bom patriota [é] necessário tornar-se inimigo do resto do mundo" até ao internacionalismo operário.

• [14] A distinção entre o material e o simbólico não deve ser levada para além de limites razoáveis já que cada um dos pólos da distinção contém o outro (ou alguma dimensão do outro), ainda que de forma recessiva. O "mais" material a que me refiro são basicamente os direitos económicos e sociais conquistados e tornados possíveis pelo Estado-Providência: os salários indirectos, a segurança social, etc. O "mais" simbólico inclui, por exemplo, a inclusão na ideologia nacionalista, ou na ideologia consumista e a conquista de direitos desprovidos de meios eficazes de aplicação. Uma das consequências da globalização hegemónica tem sido a crescente erosão do "mais" material, compensada pela intensificação do "mais" simbólico.

• [15] Analiso esta questão no meu estudo sobre o orçamento participativo em Porto Alegre (Santos, 1998a).

• [16] Sobre o património comum da humanidade, ver, entre muitos outros, Santos (1995: 365-373) e o estudo exaustivo de Pureza (1999).

• [17] Sobre a globalização de-baixo-para-cima ou contra-hegemónica, ver Hunter (1995); Kidder e McGinn (1995). Ver também Falk (1995 e 1999). Ambos os trabalhos visam as coligações e redes internacionais de trabalhadores que emergiram do NAFTA.

• [18] No mesmo sentido, é sugerido que os movimentos progressistas devem usar os instrumentos do nacionalismo económico para combater as forças do mercado.

• [19] Sobre os conceitos de democracia de alta intensidade e de democracia de baixa intensidade, ver Santos (1998b) e Santos (2000b).

• [20] Sobre este ponto, cfr. Santos (1997).

• [21] Ver, por todos, Castells (1996).

• [22] Este fenómeno está analisado em detalhe em Santos (2000b).

• [23] Sobre este "movimento" da reforma global dos tribunais, ver Santos (2000b).

• [24] Wallerstein (1991a); Hopkins et al. (1996). Ver também Arrighi e Silver (1999).

• [25] Aglietta (1979); Boyer (1986, 1990). Ver também Jessop (1990a, 1990b); Kotz (1990); Mahnkopf (1988); Noel (1987); Vroey (1984).

• [26] Sobre estas três estratégias do Estado moderno, ver Santos (1995: 99-109).

• [27] Apesar de considerarem a globalização um fenómeno velho, alguns dos teóricos do sistema mundial, como é o caso de Wallerstein, perfilham leituras paradigmáticas a partir de análises sistémicas, nomeadamente da análise da sobreposição de pontos de ruptura nos diferentes processos de longa duração que constituem o sistema mundial moderno.

• [28] A justificação desta posição é apresentada noutro lugar (Santos, 1995, 2000a).

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